[公告] 「港台學術資訊」不是我的微博

Thursday, July 20, 2017

Japanese scholarship on the Qin bamboo slips stored in the Yuelu Library, 2010-2017

*Information below is based on 2017-05-30 王園红 湖南大學岳麓書院 https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/M8DkKrrQFTjCzkWisO37Kw

** 以下資料是奠基在王園紅《日本岳麓書院藏秦簡研究部分論著目錄(2010—2016)》這篇文章上增補而成

一、專著 Books

谷中信一 (Yanaka Shin'ichi):《出土資料と漢字文化圈》,汲古書院,2011年3月.

湯浅邦弘 (Kunihiro Yuasa):《岳麓秦簡『占夢書』の構造と思想》,《竹簡学: 中国古代思想の探究》,大阪大学出版会, 2014年5月.

池田雄一 (Ikeda Yūichi ):《漢代を遡る奏げん―中国古代の裁判記録》,汲古書院, 2015年4月.

中国古算書研究会編,《岳麓書院蔵秦簡『数』訳注 /秦漢出土古算書訳注叢書(2) 上製 》,朋友書店,2016年11月. 
(link: http://www.toho-shoten.co.jp/toho-web/search/detail?id=4892811562&bookType=jp)

二、期刊及其他 Journal Articles and Others

田村 誠、張替 俊夫:《新たに出現した二つの古算書:『数』と『算術』:(付)岳麓書院蔵秦簡『数』から見た周秦交替期の幾何学的成就》,大阪産業大学論集(人文・社会科学編) (9),2010年.

池田雄一:《岳麓書院藏秦簡『関市律』を得て》,中央大學アジア史研究 (35),2011年3月.

(download here: https://www.toho-shoten.co.jp/export/sites/default/review/366/toho366-01.pdf)

大川 俊隆:《岳麓書院蔵秦簡『数』訳注稿(1)》,大阪産業大学論集 (人文・社会科学編)(16),2012年.
(Chinese translation: http://www.bsm.org.cn/show_article.php?id=1824)

田村 誠:《 岳麓書院蔵秦簡『数』について(日本語・中国語) 》,RIMS研究集会「数学史の研究2012」配布資料

田村 誠:《岳麓書院蔵秦簡『数』訳注稿(2)》,大阪産業大学論集(人文・社会科学編)(17),2013年2月.
(Chinese translation: http://www.bsm.org.cn/show_article.php?id=1845)


大川俊隆、籾山明、張春龍:《里耶秦簡中の刻歯簡と『數』中の未解読簡》,大阪産業大学論集 (人文・社会科学編)18号,2013年6月.
(Chinese translation: 张春龙著,大川 俊隆著,籾山 明著,「里耶秦简刻齿简研究:兼论岳麓秦简《数》中的未解读简」 文物 2015年3期, pp.53-69,96, 2015年)

馬場 理惠子、吉村 昌之:《岳麓書院蔵秦簡『数』訳注稿(3)》,大阪産業大学論集 (人文・社会科学編)(18),2013年6月.

田村 誠、張替 俊夫:《岳麓書院『数』衰分類未解読算題二題の解読》,大阪産業大学論集(人文・社会科学編)18号,2013年6月.
(Chinese translation: 田村 诚著,张替 俊夫著,周西璧译,「岳麓书院《数》中两道衰分类算题的解读」 湖南考古輯刋 11集, pp.325-335, 2015年1月)

角谷 常子:《岳麓書院蔵秦簡『数』訳注稿(4)》,大阪産業大学論集 (人文・社会科学編) (19),2013年.

湯浅 邦弘:《岳麓秦簡『占夢書』の思想史的位置》,中国研究集刊57号,2013年12月.

小寺裕、張替 俊夫:《岳麓書院蔵秦簡『数』訳注稿(5) 》,大阪産業大学論集 (人文・社会科学編)(20),2014年2月.

武田 時昌:《岳麓書院蔵秦簡『数』訳注稿(6)》,大阪産業大学論集 (人文・社会科学編) (21),2014年.

大西克也:《嶽麓書院秦簡をめぐって:赤外線スキャンと『占夢書』》, 書法漢學研究 (15), 2014年7月.

水间 大辅著「岳麓书院藏秦简“尸等捕盗疑购”案所见逮捕群盗的奖赏规定」 中國社會經濟史硏究 2014年3期, pp.89-92, 2014年

大川 俊隆、田村 誠:「《算數書》“舂粟”題與嶽麓書院秦簡《數》中的三枚簡」 簡帛研究 2013, pp.93-100, 2014年7月

柿沼 陽平:《岳麓書院蔵秦簡訳注:「為獄等状四種」案例七識劫𡟰案》,帝京史学30号, 2015年2月.

飯尾秀幸:《嶽麓書院藏秦簡(參)』訳注(1):第一類 案例〇一「癸・瑣相移謀購案」》 ,『専修史学』 59号, pp.73-132, 2015年11月

大川 俊隆:《岳麓書院蔵秦簡『数』における「物」字について》,中国研究集刊 (61), 2015年12月.

下倉 渉 :《ある女性の告発をめぐって:岳麓書院蔵秦簡「識劫𡟰案」に現れたる奴隷および「舎人」「里単」》,史林99卷1号, 2016年1月.

椎名一雄:《嶽麓書院蔵秦簡 (参)』案例一にみる秦代文書行政と裁判》,歴史と文化 : 小此木輝之先生古稀記念論文集(青史出版),2016年5月.

飯尾秀幸:《『嶽麓書院秦簡(参)』訳注(2)》,『専修史学』 61 ,2016年11月.

大川俊隆: 「 岳麓書院蔵秦簡『数』における文字と用語 」,大阪産業大学論集 人文・社会科学編 26  (2016)

高戸 聰,嶽麓書院藏秦簡『占夢書』訳注稿,福岡女学院大学紀要. 人文学部編  (27), 55-78, 2017-03

Tuesday, July 18, 2017

Stalk Divination: A Newly Discovered Alternative to the I Ching

Editors and translators:
Constance A. Cook and Zhao Lu (趙璐)

Publication Date:
July, 2017

Oxford University Press 


This book presents for the first time a full translation and analysis of a newly discovered bamboo divination manual from the fourth century BCE China, called the Stalk Divination Method (Shifa 筮法). It was used as an alternative to the better-known Zhouyi (popularly known as the I-Ching). The Shifa manual presents a competing method of interpreting the trigrams, the most basic elements of the distinctive sixty-four hexagrams in the Zhouyi. This newly discovered method looks at the combination of four trigrams as a fluid, changeable pattern or unit reflective of different circumstances in an elite man's life. Unlike the Zhouyi, this new manual provides case studies that explain how to read the trigram patterns for different topics. This method is unprecedented in early China and has left no trace in later Chinese divination traditions. Shifa must be understood then as a competing voice in the centuries before the Zhouyi became the hegemonic standard. The authors of this book have translated this new text and "cracked the code" of its logic. This new divination will change our understanding of Chinese divination and bring new light to Zhouyi studies.

Table of Contents:

General Principles of Shifa Interpretation
Reflections of Shifa-style Divination in Other Texts
Transcription and Translation

Thursday, July 13, 2017

The Songs of Chu: An Anthology of Ancient Chinese Poetry by Qu Yuan and Others

Qu Yuan
(Edited and translated by Gopal Sukhu)

Columbia University Press

Publication Date:
July, 2017


Sources show Qu Yuan (?340–278 BCE) was the first person in China to become famous for his poetry, so famous in fact that the Chinese celebrate his life with a national holiday called Poet's Day, or the Dragon Boat Festival. His work, which forms the core of the The Songs of Chu, the second oldest anthology of Chinese poetry, derives its imagery from shamanistic ritual. Its shaman hymns are among the most beautiful and mysterious liturgical works in the world. The religious milieu responsible for their imagery supplies the backdrop for his most famous work, Li sao, which translates shamanic longing for a spirit lover into the yearning for an ideal king that is central to the ancient philosophies of China.

Qu Yuan was as important to the development of Chinese literature as Homer was to the development of Western literature. This translation attempts to replicate what the work might have meant to those for whom it was originally intended, rather than settle for what it was made to mean by those who inherited it. It accounts for the new view of the state of Chu that recent discoveries have inspired.

Table of Contents:



1. Nine Songs (Jiuge)

2. "Leaving My Troubles" ("Li sao")

3. "Ask the Sky" ("Tian wen")

4. Nine Cantos (Jiuzhang)

5. "Wandering Far Away" ("Yuan you")

6. "The Diviner" ("Bu ju") and "The Fisherman" ("Yufu")

7. Nine Variations (Jiubian)

8. "Summoning the Soul" ("Zhao hun")

9. "The Great Summoning" ("Da zhao")

10. "Regretting the Vows" ("Xi shi")

11. "Mourning Qu Yuan" ("Diao Qu Yuan") and "The Owl Rhapsody" ("Fu fu")

12. "I Lament It Was Not My Destiny" ("Ai shiming")

13. "Calling the Hermit Back" ("Zhao yinshi")

Appendix: Dating the Works in the Chuci

Selected Bibliography


Friday, July 7, 2017

Japanese for Sinologists: A Reading Primer with Glossaries and Translations

Joshua A. Fogel and Fumiko Joo

Publication Date:
July, 2017

University of California Press


For many years it has been known that scholars of Chinese history and culture must keep abreast of scholarship in Japan, but the great majority have found that to be difficult. Japanese for Sinologists is the first textbook dedicated to helping Sinologists learn to read scholarly Japanese writing on China. It includes essays by eminent scholars, vocabulary lists with romanizations, English translations, grammar notes, and a wealth of general information not easily available anywhere.

The reader will be introduced to a wide panoply of famed Sinologists and their writing styles. The first chapters introduce some basic information on dictionaries, encyclopedias, and other resources for research on China in Japanese materials, including a list of names and terms from Chinese political, historical, and cultural events. The chapters cover a range of topics and time periods and highlight authors, all well-known Japanese scholars, with an appendix of English translations of all the articles. After completing this book, the user will be able to begin his or her own reading in Japanese Sinology without the extensive apparatus this volume supplies.

Table of Contents:


Translation Tables for Sinologists

Japanese Dictionaries Aimed at Sinologists

Oshima Toshikazu, "Qiu Jin"

Ono Kazuko, "Introduction: a history of research on the Donglin party"

Takeuchi Yoshimi, "Issues in our view of Sun Yat-Sen"

Shimada Kenji, "The commoner nature of culture in the Ming period"

Miyazaki Ichisada, "Was the Jingchu 4 mirror produced at the Daifang commandery?"

Yoshikawa Kōjirō̄

Niida Noboru, "Fengjian 封建 and feudalism in Chinese society"

Naitō Torajirō, "Cultural life in modern China"

Sunday, July 2, 2017

[Dissertation] Dynamic Flows of Copper and Copper Alloys across the Prehistoric Eurasian Steppe from 2000 to 300 BCE

Yiu-Kang Hsu

Mark Pollard, Jessica Rawson

University of Oxford



The study of ancient Eurasian metallurgy has been suffering from (or preoccupied by) two conventional perspectives. One is that of the diffusion model emphasising the importance of the settled empires of ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, of south-eastern Europe and of China (Shennan 1986, 1993; Kristiansen 1984). The supremacy of these 'cradles' of early civilisation is marked not only by social hierarchies, but also by technological inventions such as metal production. This view sees the mobile populations of the Eurasian steppe as occupying the "hinterland" of these early settled states in the south, believing that the emergence of metal technologies in the Steppe was the result of the expansions of "advanced" civilisations. The second perspective is rooted in the provenance study which traces metal objects back to their geological sources (Pernicka 2014). It assumes that chemical and isotopic composition of metal is static and only reflects a simple linear relationship between artefacts and specific ore deposits.

Drawing from a legacy database of approximately 9,000 chemical analyses of copper-based artefacts, this thesis rejects the simplicity of both the diffusion and the provenance models. While admitting that the use of metal might have originated from western Asia, the development of metallurgy in the Eurasian steppe should be understood on its own terms. It is constantly re-shaped by vigorous circulation of metal artefacts across mobile communities on a regional or inter-regional scale. This observation is based on the application of a new innovative framework to interpret the patterns of compositional data (Bray et al. 2015). This novel method argues that metal can flow, quite literally, from one object to another as it is re-melted, re-mixed and re-cast in different shapes and colours, depending on different social contexts. Thermodynamic modelling and modern experiments have shown that during the copper melt, some volatile elements in copper alloys (e.g. arsenic, antimony, and zinc) are preferentially removed through oxidative loss. Instead, some elements, such as silver, nickel, and gold, tend to be preserved in metals. These predictable patterns of elemental losses provide valuable information to trace the directional flow of metal units between regions/cultures, if we combine chemical data of metal artefacts properly with archaeological context, landscape and chronology.
By using this new methodology, several routes of copper supplies have been identified in the Steppe during different periods. They feature the exchange of metals within regional networks, fuelled by local copper sources. The Urals, central Kazakhstan, the Altai, and the Minusinsk-Tuva regions were the primary copper production centres that developed distinct trace-element chemistry and artefact typology. By contrast, alloying techniques employed by steppe peoples, generally demonstrate the long-distance connections based on two major metallurgical practices: arsenical copper in the western steppe and tin-bronze in the eastern steppe. Copper-arsenic production was concentrated in the Caucasus but the recycling of its arsenical copper became more apparent further away towards the Urals. On the other hand, the invention of tin-bronze metallurgy was triggered by the formation of the Seima-Turbino phenomenon (c. 2100- 1800/1700 BC) in the Altai, and this alloying tradition was amplified by the emergence of the Andronovo culture (c. 1700-1400 BC) in the Ural-Kazakh steppe. Tin-bronze ornaments, in particular, were exchanged between eastern and western mobile communities over a considerable distance, through the mechanism of pastoral seasonal movements.

In conclusion, traditional views of diffusion and provenance theories cannot be uncritically applied to the inception of ancient metallurgy in the Eurasian steppe. Mobile pastoralists developed multi-regional production hubs based on the accessibility of ore resources and the variations in subsistence strategies. Although steppe metalwork revealed some technological borrowings from settled communities, steppe peoples had transformed them into locally adapted products that could fit into their socio-economic systems. That is, when dealing with the issues of Eurasian metallurgy, we should acknowledge the complexity of human engagement with metal and look into subtler differences in cultural context, landscape, and ideology.